1. Gathering of Candidates (nos. 27-28)
In keeping with custom first established by the Capitulary of Theodore,15 dating from the seventh or eighth century, and repeated by the Romano-Germanic Pontifical of the mid-tenth century,16 the rite of perpetual profession takes place within the context of a Eucharistic celebration at which the abbot presides.
After the Gospel or homily the candidates gather before the abbot (no. 28). They may be escorted by the juniormaster -- a detail mentioned in some medieval rituals and taken up by Beuron. This is an appropriate gesture which gives liturgical expression to the juniormaster's spiritual role of leading the juniors to this decisive moment.
The Roman rite (RRP III, 53) allows candidates to be called by name. We exclude
the practice because it is unfounded in monastic tradition and imitates ordination
rites. The monastic vocation is not a call from the Church in the way ordination
is. On the other hand, the singing of "Come, my sons" (no. 27), is
encouraged because it functions well as an accompaniment to the action and
contributes to the distinction between temporary and perpetual
profession.17 The
text consists of Ps. 33:12,518 The first verse is cited in the
Prolog to the Rule (RB Prol. 12). The reference to enlightenment at the beginning
of the ceremony finds an echo in the diaconal summons at its conclusion: "Awake,
you who sleep, rise from the dead; Christ will enlighten you" (no. 56).
2. Request (nos. 29-30)
In the Rule of the Master a novice expressed his desire to make profession in a stirring encounter with the abbot which took place after Prime. As the community began to leave the oratory, the novice cast himself at
[page 17 ends]
the feet of the abbot and declared: "I have something to say first of all to God and this oratory, then to you and the community." The abbot replied: "Tell us what it is." The novice announced: "I desire to serve God by the discipline of the rule which has been read to me in this monastery" (RM 89: 3- 8).
Benedict, ignoring this dramatic flourish in his principal literary source, states with typical restraint that if after hearing the Rule, a novice "promises to observe everything and to obey every command given him, let him then be received into the community" (RB 58: 14). Benedict's rite, therefore, begins with the promise (see RB 58: 17-19). Similarly the Beuronese ritual of 1931 contains no preliminary dialog. After a brief abbatial admonition it too moves to the promise.
Against this background the Roman rite's provision for a formal request on the part of those to be professed (RRP III, 54- 55) is seen as an innovation. We have nevertheless retained it, employing lines from the Rule (RB Prol. 50) as the candidates' response to the abbot's question (no. 29).
From a Benedictine point of view this element is not without any basis in
tradition. Medieval sources sometimes give a form of request to be used in
the chapter room prior to the actual profession ceremony. If the community
decided to accept the candidate's request, he was authorized to write the document
which he would later read in church at the beginning of the profession rite
itself.
3. Admonition (nos. 31-35)
The ritual offers a selection of three admonition formulas (nos. 32- 34) The first one (no. 32), from the Beuronese ritual,19 is a composite piece, the final line of which is drawn from Cassian (Inst. IV, 34).
The second (no. 33) is derived from the Rule of the Master (RM 89:11-16).
Like the Beuronese formula, it cautions the candidate against making his profession
without due consideration, seeing that he will be held accountable for it on
Judgment Day. Saint Benedict, who repeatedly calls the abbot's attention to
divine judgment,20 seems to have this in mind when he warns the
monk that if he ever acts contrary to his profession, "he will surely
be condemned by the One he mocks" (RB 59:18).
[page 18 ends]
The third formula (no. 45) is taken from the ritual of Abbot Oderisius of Monte Cassino,21 the only medieval source containing an admonition. Theological in character, it situates monastic life within the economy of salvation and interprets it with reference to baptism. The emphasis on conversion from sin and return to the Father recalls the opening paragraph of the Rule. Although the text is almost entirely proclamatory, the final line offers profound reassurance to one about to make profession.
The Roman rite (RRP Intro. 6b; III, 56-57) speaks of a homily or address at
this point in the ceremony. Provision for this is made in no. 35 of our ritual.
Nevertheless, certain reservations are in order with regard to this practice.
A homily is addressed to the entire congregation and is an extension of the
Scripture readings. Its content varies accordingly. An admonition is addressed
exclusively to the candidates; has no necessary connection with the readings
of the day; and as a word of caution to those who are about to make a decision
with eternal consequences, is unchanging in content. The attempt to combine
both in the same address risks violating the integrity of each; for either
the abbot will address the congregation and, at least for the moment, ignore
the candidates who have just gathered before him and made their request, or
else he will speak to the candidates and pass over the congregation. For this
reason it seems preferable for the abbot to preach a homily after the Gospel
and then direct a pointed admonition to the candidates once they have assembled
before him.
4. Promise (nos. 36-37)
In the Rule we read that "when he is to be received, he makes a promise of stability, fidelity to the monastic life, and obedience ... He states his promise (promissio) in a document (petitio).... (RB 58: 17,19 ). Thus the act of profession comprises two elements:
the making of the promise, and
the writing of a document known as the petitio.
Of these the first was the more important, for as Cornelius Justice noted,
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At the time of St. Benedict, Roman law demanded the oral
declaration for validity, not the written. The custom of writing
the contract came into use in later Imperial times, from East to
West. Before that, the writing of a document was only for the
sake of the records.22
Benedict does not describe the manner by which the promise was made, but a
ninth century manuscript from Albi bears precious witness to an interrogative
rendition, technically known as a stipulatio contract in which the matter to
be agreed upon is set out in the form of question and answer. It reads:
A brother who is to be received in the oratory, in the presence of all, is questioned thus:
'Do you promise your stability, the monastic way of life, and
obedience before God and his Saints?
Let the novice himself answer thus: With the help of God
and according to my understanding and capability, I promise.
Do you believe (credis) that if you should ever act otherwise you will be condemned by him whom you mock?
Let him answer: I believe (credo).23
The second member, employing the verb credere, recalls the interrogative
creed which was the ancient Roman baptismal formula. Abbot Herwegen argued for
the possibility that the archetype of this text originated in Rome and was
sent to Albi during the first half of the seventh century along with a copy
of the Rule of Saint Benedict, who is designated as "the Roman abbot."24 If
this be so, it was composed only a century after Benedict. In any case, "it
is the first Gallic example of Benedictine monasticism and is free from any
Columban influence or from any explicit feudal features."25
Closely resembling the Albi formula is a triple interrogation found in the
ritual of Abbot Oderisius of Monte Cassino. After the admonition, which we
have already described, the candidates are asked:
Do you wish (vultis) to renounce the world and its pomps ?
They answer:
We do (volumus).
Do you wish (vultis) to take up the monastic way of life
and renounce and leave behind the affection of your own parents?
They answer:
We do (volumus).
Do you wish (vultis) to profess obedience according to the Rule of Saint
Benedict, renouncing even your own will?
They answer:
We do (volumus).26
This formula, involving both renunciation and commitment, recalls the baptismal
rejection of Satan and adherence to Christ.
[page 20 ends]
Unfortunately, the growing influence of feudalism put an end to the interrogative promise. In the feudal system a man became vassal' to a lord by kneeling before him and swearing fealty. This gave rise to a declarative form of promise, which, of course, is the form of the petitio or written document. Thus the stipulatio contract disappeared from the rite,27 and was eventually replaced by a simple reading of the document, already drafted beforehand. As a consequence the public reading of the document alone came to be considered as the essential element of profession.
The Benedictine revival of the last century returned to the primitive understanding
and practice. Solesmes availed itself of the ancient text of Monte Cassino.28
Dom Delatte rightly recognized it as an oral promise, to be completed, but not
replaced, by the reading of the document. He declares:
The candidate replies to a series of precise and plain questions by
the repetition of Volo, (I will). This oral promise is nowadays
completed by the reading of the document containing the vows.29
The ritual of Beuron incorporates the same Monte Cassino text, but to the three questions of the original, appends two others, 30 the last being the same as the first question of the Albi formula. From our study it is clear that these questions, used throughout the Federation until 1970, are intended to be an interrogative form of promissio. The candidates' response to these questions, together with their reading of the document, constitute the act of profession.
The Roman rite likewise provides a series of questions after the admonition,
but conceives them in an entirely different way. Placed under the heading of
Examination, their stated purpose is to assess the candidates' "readiness
to dedicate themselves to God and to seek perfect charity, according to the
rule or constitutions of the religious community" (RRP III, 57; see Intro.
6e). Of the five sample questions proposed, the first is rather superfluous
since the candidates' resolution to make final profession has already been
made known in the request (RRP III, 55).
The last three look toward the ultimate goals of religious life: perfect love
of God, service of his people, union with him in prayer. Only the
[page 21 ends]
second question bears immediately upon the matter at hand: a life of perfect chastity, obedience, and poverty.
The questions, then, deal with a variety of subjects and their purpose is to examine whether the candidates are subjectively ready to make the act of profession which will be forthcoming only later: after the Litany of the Saints. In other words, the Roman rite regards the interrogation, like the litany, as a preliminary to profession. It restricts profession itself to the reading of the written document (RRP III, 64) which takes place after the Saints have been invoked. This is not the original Benedictine view. Nor is it our own.
According to our tradition the act of profession includes an oral promissio as well as a reading of the written document. The concrete shape given to the promissio is question and answer. Hence the interrogation is not an examination but a form of promise. It is not a preliminary to profession but an essential constituent of it. Its content should correspond as closely as possible to that of the written document, since these are complementary parts of the single act of profession.
Responsibility to our assigned task obliges us to maintain the genuine monastic
tradition. Hence we have entitled this section of our ritual Promise, not Examination.
As a formula (no. 36) we have chosen the terse but powerful questions of the
ritual of Albi. If posed with the necessary gravity and deliberation, their
impact cannot but be striking. The formula of Monte Cassino, to which we have
appended a concluding question from the Beuronese ritual, is intended for temporary
profession (no. 18), but may also be used at final profession (see :no. 37).
Before turning to the profession document it is necessary to entertain a brief
digression. After the interrogation, the Roman rite directs the candidates
to prostrate as the community recites the Litany of the Saints, the second
half of which has been refashioned for use at religious profession (RRP 111,
60-63; see Intro. 6d). We are opposed to intercessory prayer at this point
in the rite for three reasons:
1) It separates the interrogation from the reading of the document. This presents no problem for the Roman rite, which regards the interrogation
[page 22 ends]
and the litany as preliminaries to profession. But for Benedictines,
who regard the interrogation as a form of Benedict's promissio, this arrangement
involves separating the promise which the candidate makes
in response to the abbot's questions from the same promise written in his
own hand and read aloud in the hearing of all.
2) It separates the intercessory prayer of the community from the consecratory
prayer of the abbot, and produces two moments of prayer: the first being a
preparation for profession; 31 the second being a request for divine
acceptance of the profession already made. Benedictines cannot dissociate the
abbot from the community in this way. Their theological understanding of profession,
to be explained later, requires that the two be kept together.
3) Most of all, the prostration of the candidate and intercessory prayer of
the community at this point in the rite runs counter to the entire monastic
tradition, which provides a single moment of prayer -- and that, following
the suscipe. This tradition is rooted in the prescription of the Rule which
states that after the suscipe the newly professed "prostrates himself
at the feet of each monk to ask his prayers (Ut orent pro eo)"
(RB 58:23).
We shall develop these topics at greater length in subsequent sections of
the commentary. For the present, suffice it to say that we have eliminated
the litany after the interrogation (promise) and restored the authentic Benedictine
practice of joining community intercessions with the consecratory prayer of
the abbot after the suscipe.
5. Reading of Profession Document (nos. 38-39)
The Constitutions of our Congregation, according to which profession is made,
define the nature and scope of perpetual profession. Communities which desire
to make these matters more explicit in the profession document may do so.
The manner of reading the document varies in the monasteries of our Federation.
In some houses it is read standing; in others kneeling. In most houses it
is simply read, though in two it is sung.32 In some houses it
is signed on the altar; in others on the gospel book.
[page 23 ends]
In some houses it is shown to the assembled community; in others not. The
present ritual respects these local touches and refrains from specifying how
the document is to be read (see no. 38).
As ordered by the Rule (RB 59: 20), the document is placed on the altar after
it is read. This gesture had already been decreed by the Rule of the Master
(RM 89: 17). Even the Roman rite states that after reading the document the newly professed may fittingly go to the altar, one by one, to place on
it the formula of profession; if it can be done conveniently, each of them
should sign the document of profession upon the altar itself
(RRP III, 65).
Placing the document on the altar is of great importance, because the
altar is a tangible sign of the presence of God, to whom the monk binds himself
by contract. During the Middle Ages oaths were taken by placing both hands on the altar. There
are records of deeds conveyancing lands, acts of manumission33
freeing bondsmen, etc., being also performed at the altar.
Besides making the engagement juridically binding,34 contact with
the altar also invests it with a kind of consecration. Delatte writes:
The novice, even though he is a layman, signs his vow s on the altar itself, on the stone whereon Our Lord Jesus Christ offers and immolates Himself. And St. Benedict would have him deposit them there with his own hand. Thenceforth, the promise and offering of the novice are consecrated things.35
Since profession is made "before God and his Saints whose relics are
here" (no. 39 see RB 58: 18-19), the relics possessed by the monastery
might
fittingly be exposed on the day of profession. The Saints, through the presence
of their visible remains, witness the monk as he commits himself to a life
of
testifying to the "victory of Christ's cross" (no. 32). They know
what to look for because their own witness to the same reality has now attained
perfection. Their bones are proof! Hence the relics of the Saints remind
the monk of his own goal:
that of being assimilated with them into the holiness of Christ.
Mention of God and his angels, found in some profession formulas, does not
derive from the Rule, but from Cassian, who said: "Take heed to continue
even to the end in that state of nakedness of which you made profession in
the sight of God and his angels" (Inst. IV, 36, 2).
[page 24 ends]
6. Suscipe (nos. 40-41)
The suscipe figured in the profession rite outlined by the Rule of the Master (RM 89: 24). There it was recited but once. Benedict, always fond of triplets (see RB 35: 17-18; 38: 3), orders it to be recited three times and requires the community to repeat it each time, adding the doxology at the end (RB 58:22). This is a constant and universal element of Benedictine tradition.
The translation of the suscipe and, consequently, its interpretation calls
for some attention. The text is from Ps. 118:116.36 In the Hebrew
and Greek versions, the first word of the verse means "to prop up,
to make secure, to support as with a staff." The "uphold" or "sustain" found
in some contemporary Benedictine rituals as well as RRP III, 66 reflect
the Hebrew and Greek. Benedict, however, was citing the Vulgate translation.
The Latin verb suscipere can mean "to take upon oneself' in the sense
of supporting and sustaining. But it can also mean "to take upon oneself'
in the sense of acknowledging, recognizing, or accepting something as one's
own. Although the first of these meanings corresponds to the Hebrew, and
Greek, it is probably the second that Benedict has in mind. In other
words, Benedict envisaged the suscipe as a prayer not for divine support,
but for divine acceptance. For this reason we endorse the rendition given
in RB 1980: "Accept me, O Lord" (no. 40). Delatte captures the
sense of the verse quite well when he writes: "Grant that I may be
really 'given' and really 'received,' truly received because truly given,
and that both of us may be able to keep our word.37
Consistent with this interpretation, the act of monastic profession is understood.
at least implicitly, as an oblation or sacrifice. In the suscipe the newly
professed beg God to accept the offering which they make of themselves in response
to his promise of eternal life (Mk. 10:28-30).38 By repeating
the verse, the community joins them in their offering to the Father. This repetition
also signifies that the newly professed have been incorporated into the community,
accepted by the community. The resulting fellowship is the pledge and assurance
of the eternal life which the newly professed seek and because of
[page 25 ends]
which they have left all things. It is also the visible manifestation of
Gods answer to their prayer and hence of his acceptance of their offering.39
In the suscipe, therefore, the newly professed at one and the same time seal
their self-renunciation and come to belong to the community and to God. Thus
are they made holy, consecrated. This consecration of the newly professed,
begun in the suscipe, is prolonged in the prostration and intercessory prayer
of the community, and culminates in the consecratory prayer of the abbot. The
rite of mystical burial will be yet another way of saying that at profession,
as at baptism and Eucharist, the monk is assimilated to the sacrifice of Christ,
and that he now belongs to God alone.
7. Prayer of the Community (nos. 42-45)
In preceding pages we have noted that the Roman rite locates community intercession
between what it calls Examination and Profession, but what we term Promise
and
The Rule indicates that after the suscipe the newly professed are to prostrate
at the feet of each of the brethren ut orent pro eo
(RB 58: 23). Tradition has determined this to mean that the newly professed
should lie on the floor before the brethren collectively. It has also been
quite extravagant in prescribing the prayers to be recited. The prayer material
of medieval rituals as well as that of Beuron falls into three categories:
1) Kyrie, Pater, and capitula, that is, versicles and responses excerpted
from the Psalter; 2) one, three, seven, or twelve psalms; 3) a series of
orations performed by the abbot.
It should be observed that the first two groupings represent the prayer of
the brethren as such. Each is dialogical in form. Either the entire community
responds to versicles intoned by a soloist, or else the community divides into
two choirs and alternates verses of complete
[page 26 ends]
psalms. This dialogical form of intercessory prayer prolongs and intensifies
within the community, the dialog between the newly professed, the community,
and God which originated with the suscipe. Furthermore, the suscipe and the
ensuing community intercession are both drawn from the same source: the
Psalter.
Finally, this growing crescendo of prayer climaxes in the orations of the abbot.
From this we see that the Ordo ad faciendum monachum, traditionally understood,
consists of two main parts: profession and prayer. In the first part the candidates
move toward God. Initially they are drawn forth in response to the abbot's
questions. They continue on their own momentum, as it were, by reading the
document which their own hands have written. In the second part God moves toward
them. This presence is elicited by their prayer, then that of the community,
and finally that of the abbot. The core of the rite, therefore, begins and
ends with the abbot. It is he who calls forth the candidates' promise by his
questions at the beginning; and it is he who calls forth the divine presence
by his prayer at the end. Yet the abbot is never disassociated from the community.
The questions he poses in the beginning set before the candidates the basis
of the community's life; and the prayer which he makes at the end is but the
culmination of the community's prayer.
It is precisely this internal structure of parts which the Roman rite has
disturbed. The order can be restored only by placing the intercession after
the suscipe. This enables the prayer of the candidates,
the prayer of the community, and the prayer of the abbot to succeed each
other as a single coherent movement; and it enables the reading of the document
to follow upon the oral promise as complementary parts of the single act
of profession.
The present ritual offers three forms of community intercession (no. 42).
The first is Psalm 50
(no. 43). This is by far the most frequently used psalm
in medieval profession rites. It is particularly appropriate because it solicits
mercy, forgiveness, wisdom, purity of heart, a new spirit, joy. The concluding
lines bring out the sacrificial character of the act of profession. Psalm 50
is a prayer entirely grounded in the covenant: the covenant of peace. In order
to facilitate the participation
[page 27 ends]
of the whole congregation, a refrain maybe sung between the verses.
The second form (no. 44) consists of versicles and responses. Recited in solidarity
with, and in the name of the newly professed, the texts remain in the first
person singular -- as does the suscipe when repeated by the community. The
first member of any given couplet may be chanted by a soloist, and the community
may respond by chanting the second member; or both members may be rendered
by a soloist, and the community may sing a refrain, such as "Lord, hear
my prayer; let my cry come before you." The sources of the verses, taken
from the Grail translation, are as follows: 1) Ps. 56:2; 2) Ps. 37:22; 3) Ps.
30:17; 4) Ps. 24:4; 5) Ps. 24:21; 6) Pss. 55:13 and 60:6; 7) Ps. 15:11.
The third form of intercession (no. 45) is an integral translation of the
familiar Clementissime Dominator domine. The Maurist Dom Martene published
it from the thirteenth century ritual of Aniane,40 from which Dom
Gueranger took it for use in his Ceremonial of 1897. The compilers of the ritual
of Beuron also availed themselves of it.41 Hence its generations
of use in our Federation. Actually the text originated neither in the thirteenth
century nor at Aniane. It is of Visigothic facture and first appears in the
Liber Ordinum -- the ritual of the Mozarabic Church of Spain from the early
eighth century until the end of the eleventh century.
Very carefully composed, it comprises an introduction, a series of petitions,
and a concluding sentence which to some extent repeats the introductory request.
It is not a general calling down of divine favors upon the newly professed,
but is specifically concerned that they remain faithful to the call they have
accepted and so preserve the credibility of their monastic life. This concern,
expressed in the introduction, is summed up in the first petition: Sit vita probabilis. The other petitions enumerate the many traits which must characterize
the monk's life if his profession is to appear plausible to the eyes of God
and man. These are important because as the admonition warns, "you will
have to give an account of it at the second coming of our Lord Jesus Christ" (no.
32). Infidelity to any of them may result in the monk's being condemned by
him whom he mocks!
[page 28 ends]
In practice the introduction and conclusion may be given by the abbot. The
petitions may be read or sung by another minister. The congregation's Amen
is a sign of affirmation and support to the monk in his daily struggle to be
faithful.
The Litany of the Saints has been eliminated from our ritual. It really would
not be appropriate at the place we have provided for intercessory prayer. Besides,
it is another unfortunate instance of the profession liturgy assimilating features
of ordination rites.
8. Prayer of Consecration (no. 46)
The notion of consecration as applied to monastic profession is surrounded
by a certain amount of ambiguity. If consecration is understood as a setting
apart for God and a dedication to his service, becoming a monk has always had
the character of consecration. If, on the other hand, it implies "an official
act of the Church ... performed by one
who has the power and jurisdiction -- a bishop, or, by delegation a
priest,"43 then the element of consecration represents a theological
development within the profession liturgy. Taken in the second sense, the
consecration of the monk began in the East during the fifth century. It is
described a century later by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite:
The priest stands before the Divine Altar and religiously pronounces the invocation for monks. The Monk stands behind the Priest, neither bends his knees, nor one of them. nor has upon his head the Divinely transmitted oracles; but only stands near the Priest while he pronounces upon him the mystical Benediction.44
Later the practice spread to the West. The Rule of Benedict foresaw only the prayer of the brethren at the profession ceremony, so there was no consecration in the technical sense. The seventh or eighth century Capitulary of Theodore is the first evidence in the West of profession taking place within a Mass celebrated by the abbot, who also recites three orations over the new monk.45 The Romano-Germanic Pontifical of the mid-tenth century repeats the canon of Theodore, then gives the texts of three prayers. They are:
1) Dignare, domine quaesurnus, famulo tuo renuntianti;
2) Clementissime dominator, domine;
[page 29 ends]
3) Omnipotens et misericors Deus, cuius sanctae religionis origo.46
As we have said, medieval rituals always provide several orations for the
abbot to say at the conclusion of the prayer section of the rite. The orations
of the pontifical, however, rarely appear among them, and never together.
The extent to which these prayers were understood as consecratory in the
strict sense is difficult to tell. 47 The words
benedictio-benedicere
occur with some frequency, especially in titles, but seem to apply to the
rite as a whole rather than to a particular part. It is doubtful, therefore,
whether our medieval forefathers had isolated the "moment of consecration."48
The ritual of Beuron contains the three orations of the pontifical.49 Alterations introduced into the third of these give evidence of its being intended as a formula of consecration. Besides being set to the melody of a Preface, the dialog of the Eucharistic prayer precedes it, and the original invocation,
Omnipotens et misericors Deus, is replaced by Vere dignum.
The Roman rite committed itself to an explicitly consecratory prayer. It is
the solemn blessing or consecration of the professed, by which the Church accepts
their vows, consecrates them to God, and asks the heavenly Father for abundant
gifts of the Holy Spirit for the professed (RRP Intro. 6f).
It' provides two formulas for this purpose (RRP III, 67, 143). The prayer
of consecration in the present ritual (no. 57) is an original composition,
more monastic in character than the Roman ones.
It refrains from being didactic and adheres rather strictly to the biblical
pattern of giving thanks to God for the wonderful work of his grace, which
began with creation and reached completion in Christ. The memorial of the history
of salvation provides the basis for petitioning God to intervene at the present
moment in order to bring his plan for the world to its eschatological fulfillment.
The consecration of the monk is thereby brought into relationship with the
entire economy of salvation.
The prayer opens by mentioning the creation and fall of man, then recalls
the promise made to Abraham (Gn. 12: 1-3) once the human race, in consequence
of sin, had been dispersed in the aftermath of Babel
(Gn. 11: 9). The Church and the monastic community, gathered together
[page 30 ends]
in obedience to God's word, reverses this scattering of mankind.
The next two paragraphs dwell on Moses (Si. 45: 1-6) and Elijah (Si. 48:1-9), each of whom saw God (Ex. 33:11; 1K 19:11 ff.) and so enjoy a privileged place in mystical theology. They are men of humility (Nb. 12: 3) and obedience (1K 17:1-18:46), to whom Benedict is frequently likened.
Recollection of the Tishbite leads naturally to another monastic favorite, John the Baptist, who is Elijah come again (Mt. 11: 14; 17:12-13). His call to repentance (Mk. 1:4-5) is the immediate preparation (Lk. 1:17) for the redemptive work of Christ sketched in the fourth paragraph (IP 2: 24). The gift of the spirit, intimately bound up with Christ's session at the right hand of the Father, is itself the blessing (AA 3:26) promised to Abraham, and creates the new humanity from which the Church and the cenobitic fraternity are born by baptism and profession respectively.
At this point thanksgiving and memorial give way to petition. In the name
of the whole assembled community the abbot directs the attention of God to
the newly professed whose prayer and offering with repentance and tears plead
with him to fulfill his promise. Subsequent lines, drawn mainly from
9. Sign of Perpetual Profession (nos. 47-50)
According to the Rule, after a newly professed brother has sought the prayer of the brethren, he is "stripped of everything that he is wearing (exuatur rebus propriis), and clothed in what belongs to the monastery (induatur rebus monasterii " (RB 58: 26). This action is not an appendage to the profession ceremony, but the climax of it. Profession is entirely oriented toward the reception of the habit. Moreover, use of the word res in this context indicates that Benedict is thinking of some
[page 31 ends]
thing more profound and inclusive than a mere change in dress. The exchange
of clothing gives dramatic expression to the deepest significance of monastic
profession; namely, that by it one is completely stripped of his former self
and given a new truth or reality (res): that of being a monk. Benedict himself
declares that after profession a monk "will not have even his body at
his own disposal" (RB 58: 25; see 33:4).
For several reasons an exchange of clothing is uniquely capable of giving
powerful expression to this total transformation. Clothing is a fundamental
and basic human necessity; jewelry and ornaments are accessories. Unlike a pin,
a medal, or a ring, clothing is not something one can easily remove and still
go unnoticed; secondly, clothing is all embracing; it covers the entire body
from head to foot. Ornaments, on the other hand, are extremely small and touch
only a tiny segment of a single member of the body. Thirdly, conferral of clothing
has a negative counterpart: the stripping off of what had been worn until then.
Between the stripping and the presentation of new vesture, one is literally
naked. This, according to Cassian, is the true condition of the monk at the
moment of profession (Inst. IV, 36, 2). Contrasted with the exchange of clothing,
then, any other sign of profession is bound to appear minimal.
What were the clothes presented to the new monk? Judging from Chapter 55 of
the Rule, we may suppose them to have consisted of the tunic, the cowl, and
possibly the scapulare, "a kind of strap worn over the shoulders to protect
the tunic during work."50 Saint Benedict's word for "cowl" is
cuculla, which means a round or conical shaped bag attached to a garment and
destined to be worn on the head. The cuculla, in other words, was a hood. It
was "gradually extended until it became a full-length garment,"51 which,
of course, is our present understanding of the term.
We must recognize that the cuculla has an entirely different function in our
day than if had in Benedict's time. For us it is a purely liturgical and ceremonial
garment. For Benedict it was part of the monk's ordinary daily apparel. Furthermore,
the design assumed by the cuculla in our Federation lacks the very feature
which Benedict meant by the term: namely, the hood! Hence we should not be
deceived into thinking that by
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conferring the cuculla in our sense of the word we are being faithful to
the prescriptions of the Rule.
Obviously the full range of practical conclusions to be drawn from this brief
historical sketch lie beyond the scope of our commentary. But the data itself
certainly introduces complications into the way any given community chooses
to handle this component of the profession rite.
The cuculla continues to be the most commonly employed sign of perpetual profession
in our Federation. There is much to recommend it. It is an article of clothing;
it is voluminous, and undeniably associated with final profession and full
membership in the community. To maintain its full value as a sign, however,
the cuculla must be worn with some regularity in the monastery; otherwise it
will degenerate into a mere token, like a graduation robe.
Because of the widespread use of cucullas, the ritual accords it special mention
(no. 47). The formula given in the Beuronese ritual for blessing the cuculla52
was used throughout the Middle Ages for blessing the monastic habit. We prefer
to reserve it for that purpose (see no. 22) and so offer another one for blessing
the cuculla (no. 48). It is found in English pontificals from the eighth through
the tenth centuries.53 The prayer regards the cuculla as an objective
sign of values into which the newly professed must grow. Reference to perseverance
with a view to receiving the prize of life (Ph. 3:14) is especially fitting
at perpetual profession.
Abbeys in which cucullas are no longer worn might consider the possibility
of presenting a blessed habit on the day of final profession (see no. 50).
A precedent for this is found in the thirteenth century. At that time Bernard
of Monte Cassino lamented the fact that the monastic habit was conferred on
novices. But he is quick to add: non tamen habitum bene dictum.54 He
implies that a blessed habit was proper to the professed. A century later Peter
Boherius mentions the blessing as one of several features which should distinguish
the habit of the professed from that of novices. He states: ...scissura tamen,
colore vel benedictione distingui debet hujusmodi habitus novitiorum ab habitu
profesorum.55
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In English monasteries the blessing of the habit seems to have become so characteristic
of profession, that when the novice was asked of his request, he replied: Benedictionem
habitus mei.56 Another indication of the importance attached to
this element is that in one branch of the tradition the habit is blessed at
the very beginning of the service. The novice, having been stripped of his
own clothing, then makes profession with a view to putting on the blessed habit.57
Adapting this practice to the present day would mean giving the monastic habit
at temporary profession without a blessing; then replacing it with a blessed
habit (or scapular) at final profession. The logic here is that just as the
blessing or consecration of the monk himself is reserved for perpetual profession,
so too is the blessing of the habit the latter being the sign of the former.
10. Kiss of Peace (no. 51)
Contrary to the Rule of the Master (RM 89: 26), Benedict makes no provision
for the kiss of peace. Medieval rituals, however, mention it almost unanimously
-- as does the ritual of Beuron and the Roman rite (RRP III, 70b). The ritual
of Beuron directs the new brother to genuflect at the feet of each professed
monk, saying: Ora pro me, Pater. Answering Proficiat tibi, Frater, the latter
raises and embraces the new brother.58 The verbal formula was taken
from the medieval ritual of Corbie,59 but genuflection is not mentioned
there. Whatever be the historical origin of the practice, it obviously fuses
the kiss of peace with Benedict's injunction relative to prostrating at the
feet of the brethren and begging their prayer. The joining of these two elements,
however, occasions a certain amount of misunderstanding, for it creates the
impression that Benedict's prescription is realized during the kiss of peace,
whereas more ancient tradition viewed the prostration and community intercession
after the suscipe as the fulfillment of his words. This misunderstanding is
only reinforced when, following the Roman rite, prostration and community intercession
take place before the reading of the profession document, and the prayer of
consecration alone is recited after the suscipe. In this case the gestures
surrounding the kiss of peace are the sole vestige
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of Benedict's injunction.
Despite the possibility of misunderstanding, the custom of embracing the new
monk only after he had genuflected and asked for prayer had the very distinct
advantage of situating the kiss of peace within a religious framework which
prevented it from degenerating into a purely humanistic expression of congratulations
which it is rapidly becoming today. To arrest this trend it may be worthwhile
to retain the Beuronese format. Benedict himself said with regard to receiving
guests:
"First of all they pray together and are united in peace, but prayer
must always precede the kiss of peace..."(RB 53: 4,5).
The kiss of peace should be bestowed by all perpetually professed monks, but
by no one else: not those who are still in formation, and certainly not by
family, friends, and guests. It is the sign whereby the permanent members of
the community receive new brothers into the circle of their fellowship. In
this sense it accomplishes what Benedict meant when he said: "... from
that very day he is to be counted as one of the community" (RB 58: 23).
Hence it should not be a display of well-wishing on the part of the entire
assembly.
Similarly, the kiss of peace during the profession rite should not eliminate
a general exchange of peace before communion. In the profession rite the kiss
of peace is hierarchically bestowed from senior to junior as a gesture of welcome.
Before communion it is exchanged by all the baptized as a sign of solidarity
and mutual forgiveness.
11. Mystical Burial (nos. 52-59)
Nathan Mitchell cites the ritual of Montoliveto in 1445 as the first evidence of mystical burial at profession.60 Delatte points to the ritual of the Congregation of Saint Maur in 1666.61 Dom Gueranger preserved it at Solesmes, though he is reported to have stated in his conferences that it was "too theatrical."62 The monks of Beuron included it in their compilation, and so it has come down to us.
The remote origins of mystical burial are shrouded in obscurity. The custom
of velatio, that is, veiling the heads of the newly professed with the cowl,
and prostration, are the two items which seem to have
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given rise to it. Concerning the first of these, the famous canon of Theodore
again seems to have been influential. After saying that the abbot should celebrate
the profession Mass and recite three orations over the new monk, it orders
the abbot to veil the new monks head with the hood and uncover it only after
seven days. The canon recognizes that this custom is analogous to the practice
of veiling the newly baptized for seven days. The reason is that monastic profession
secundum baptismum est juxta judicium patrum, et omnia peccata dimittuntur
sicut in baptismo.63 That baptism entails being clothed with Christ
was already enunciated by Saint Paul (Ga. 3:27; see Eph. 4:21-24; Col. 3:8-10).
The canon applies the idea to investiture with
the monastic habit. The eventual covering of the newly professed with a pall
is only a further extension of the covering implied by the giving of the habit.
Medieval rituals shorten the duration of velatio from seven to three days.
Practically all of them state that after receiving the habit, the heads of
the newly professed remain covered with the hood. On the third day the abbot,
who usually celebrates the Eucharist again, lowers the hoods of the new monks
just before giving them communion. This reduction permits a development in
the significance of velatio. It is expressed in the ritual of Sens, which
interprets the covering of the head for three days as a figure of the Lord's
passion, If and the uncovering as an enactment of the day of the
resurrection.64 Here
it is not only the state of being veiled that is important, but the very acts
of covering and uncovering. The intervening three days permits an explicit
link with Christ's sojourn in the tomb. Thus the monastic velatio becomes less
dependent on the baptismal velatio for its meaning. It now signifies personal
union with Christ, buried and raised. Since this is what baptism signifies,
profession is a second baptism. When the pall is forthcoming it will express
not only "putting on Christ, but also joining him in his death and
resurrection. Hence the chant from Col. 3: 3: "I have died and my life
is hidden with Christ in God" (no. 65).
The second element which seems to be bound up with the origin of mystical
burial is prostration. The posture of lying motionless on the floor no doubt
suggested death. The conviction that profession is a second
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baptism and that baptism implies being buried with Christ (Rm. 6:4;
Col. 2:12) may have given rise to the custom of covering the newly professed
with the funeral pall. Ordinarily prostration occurs after the suscipe
and is accompanied by community intercession. But the Ceremonial of Bursfeld
locates it at the end of the profession rite. Having been vested in the
monastic habit and having been given the kiss of peace, the newly professed
prostrate throughout the Offertory and Canon until the chanting of the
Agnus Dei.65 This is the prostration around which the earliest
rituals of Beuron fitted the elements of mystical burial.
The Ceremonial der heiligen Profess, published in 1868 apparently for the
Abbey of Beuron itself, and the first ritual of the Congregation in 1895 both
placed mystical burial at the very end of the profession rite. After receiving
the kiss of peace, the newly professed prostrated and were covered with the
funeral pall as the choir sang the responsory Mortuus sum. They remained there
until after the abbot's communion when the deacon aroused them by singing: Surgite, qui dormitis et exurgite a mortuis, et illuminabit vos Christus.66
The American-Cassinese rituals of 1875 and 1907 show a different format. As
soon as the newly professed prostrate after the suscipe they are covered with
the pall and the Mortuus sum is sung. The intercessions and orations are said
as usual, then the new monks are called to rise by the deacon's surgite. The
blessing and conferral of the cuculla follow.67 The advantage of
this arrangement is that the mystical burial coincides with the single prostration
which tradition understood Benedict to have prescribed, and does not entail
a second one. The disadvantage is that the singing of Mortuus sum separates
the intercessions from the suscipe. As we have explained, these two elements
should follow one another. Moreover the raw power of the mystical burial, especially
in its classical form, tends to obliterate whatever else is happening, and
so reduces the intercessory prayer to something of an interlude. Finally mystical
burial has no link with clothing and velatio.
The Beuronese ritual of 1931 displays a surprising shift when compared with the two older editions. In the 1931 version the newly professed are covered when they prostrate after the suscipe, at which time Mortuus sum is chanted. This matches the American-Cassinese rendition.
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What is unexpected in the Beuronese ritual of 1931, however, is that the Surgite
is sung immediately after Mortuus sum, and the cucullas are blessed and presented.
Then the newly professed kneel and the intercessions take place.68 This,
of course, was the usual practice in our Congregation. Unfortunately, in this
schema the intercessions are even further removed from the suscipe than was
the case in the American-Cassinese rituals. When they are finally forthcoming,
the new monks are no longer prostrate, but merely kneeling. Thus the intercessions
are disassociated not only from the suscipe, but also from the prostration
which follows it and which they were originally devised to accompany! On the
other hand, the prostration following the suscipe has been completely swallowed
up by the mystical burial.
Our ritual offers three options for mystical burial (no. 52). The first (nos.
53- 57) is to have it after the suscipe as provided by the American Cassinese
rituals of 1875 and 1907. This arrangement has already been described and evaluated.
The second option is to locate mystical burial after the prayer of consecration
(no. 58). This solution respects the stated purpose of the prostration (Ut
orent pro eo), and allows the community intercession and prayer of consecration
to succeed the suscipe as early tradition would have it. Yet mystical burial,
following upon the consecratory prayer, would still be attached to the prostration,
though without entering into competition with community intercession. The principal
deficiency of this arrangement -- and one which can be directed against the
Beuronese ritual of 1931 -- is that when the Surgite is sounded immediately
after the Mortuus sum, the newly professed emerge from the "tomb" too
quickly.
In view of this we offer another option.
The third option (no. 59) is based on the Ceremonial der heiligen Profess
of 1868 and the first Beuronese ritual of 1895. Its advantages are several.
First, it allows the ancient profession rite to remain completely intact. Being
a late-comer and somewhat illustrative in character, mystical burial does not
interpose itself between the older constitutive elements of profession. Secondly,
it extends and enlarges upon the theme already contained in the conferral of
the cuculla or blessed habit, which
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is itself a covering over." Thirdly, it serves as a transition and bond
between the profession rite and the Eucharistic celebration, the latter being
a sacramental expression of full incorporation into the cenobitic fraternity.
Just as baptism drives toward Eucharist, so too does profession. The sacrifice
of self implied by profession likewise acquires a clearer link with the Eucharistic
sacrifice. Benedict himself made this link when speaking of the offering of
young boys: "...at the presentation of the gifts, they wrap the document
itself and the boy's hand in the altar cloth. That is how they offer him" (RB
59: 2). Finally, it enables the deacon's Surgite to function once again as
an invitation to communion, which seems to have been its original intent. Addressed
to the newly professed just before communion, it is a call to be enlightened
by the eschatological Lord who has passed beyond death, but who appears in
the Church bringing fellowship in his risen life to those who have joined him
in death.
A word must be said now about the color of the pall. A white pall suggests
itself because white is the color of the baptismal garment as well as the present
funeral pall. Nevertheless there may be a certain incongruity between this
color, which bespeaks clarity, visibility and power, and the notion of being
hidden, buried or asleep expressed in the responsory and diaconal summons.
From this point of view the traditional black pall may be preferable in that
black connotes invisibility, concealment, darkness and sleep. Since profession
is a major rite of passage, it is instructive to learn that at the end of a
lengthy comparative study of the use of color in the rituals of primitive peoples,
Victor Turner concludes that black signifies "transition from one social
status to another viewed as mystical death."69
On this entire matter of mystical burial the assumption is that each community
will exercise responsible judgment in the shaping of details, and will not
hesitate to fashion this element of the rite in the manner which it deems to
be most expressive. The number of conceivable arrangements is almost without
limit, and only three of them are described in the ritual. We trust that the
commentary has furnished sufficient background and guidelines for evaluating
other possibilities which are certain to arise at the local level.
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